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THIS Is What Michigan's New Radical Senator Believes
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A reaction to a debate about Palestinian statehood and why Israel’s 2005 withdrawal from Gaza still matters to the conversation today. Join Patreon - https://www.patreon.com/c/amikozak Shop Merch - https://thekozakstore.com Socials https://www.instagram.com/amikozak_official/ https://www.tiktok.com/@aj_comedy?source=h5_m
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Auto-generated transcript. Not time-synced to the video.
Let's do this clip. We're going to roll
the clip here. Abdul Al-Sayed with Rush
Doshi Rad. Does Palestine ever exist?
Does Israel
exist? You got to love this guy.
Uh, here's the clip and let's react to
it. Abdul Al-Sayed, 60 minutes with Rush
Dudge Rad.
>> [snorts]
>> So, what do you make
What do you make of the Palestinian
people?
>> I think the Palestinian people deserve
to have a homeland.
>> Where?
>> In I mean
I would say generally, historically, I
would support a version of the two-state
solution, which creates problems because
yes, there's
Gaza and there's the West Bank and
they're separated. It's not the ideal
landscape for a state.
>> and the West Bank?
>> I think that that I think that
I think I think that that
>> small pieces of it that have been like
now annihilated and the parts that are
being encroached upon by by settlers.
>> I think that there was a very plausible
scenario that would have gotten the
Palestinian people
>> Every version of this conversation goes
back to sometime in history where it
could have been.
I don't want to go back sometime in
history. I want to go into the future.
And look, the hard part is this. This is
exactly my point. You proved my point
perfectly.
I want equal rights to peace, dignity,
and self-determination for Palestinians
and Jewish Israelis alike. And the
problem with saying, yeah, we're going
to just take as fixed the idea of the
state as it is implies that you are just
taking whatever's carved left and there
is no actual real opportunity for
self-determination for the Palestinian
people. It's like, hey, listen, after I
eat, then you can have my seconds. I
just don't think that's fair.
I think if we're serious about this,
we're going to have to bring peoples
together and ask, how do we navigate
this shared understanding of this space?
You You made the point perfectly for me.
Is that when I ask you, what about
Palestinian self-determination? You're
like, I guess we could carve a state out
there, maybe.
It's not serious. So, I'm just saying,
look, right now
>> Wow.
[snorts]
Voila.
The gaslighting's insane. Listen to
that.
Listen to that.
It's as if he's having a conversation
absent of history, absent reality. You
can say whatever you want.
You can try to say it with a faux
confidence, but you know he's just kind
of ducking and weaving. He's like, well
okay, that that's exactly my point.
That's exactly my point. And he's about
to not make a precise point. There's no
exactly anything. We need to have a
conversation about Palestinian
self-determination, and we're not having
that, about how to share THE SPACE.
THAT'S ALL WE'VE BEEN DOING
FOR DECADES AND DECADES and decades.
[laughter]
Israel was founded The modern state of
Israel was founded
in 1948 in partition, a state for two
peoples, for the self-determination of
the Jewish people and the Arab
Palestinian Arabs there for two states.
That was the conversation from the
outset.
Oh and we're talking about what, carving
up pieces? That's what was being done.
When the Ottoman Empire fell in the
entire history of the Middle East, it
was all about carving up spaces of land
for the ethnic groups that existed there
in the region and for those that were
yes, moving escaping persecution.
[snorts] Sorry, I'm touching my nose.
Everybody hates that I keep touching my
nose. Sometimes it gets itchy when I do
the impressions. That's
the conversation that's been had. That's
the defining feature of the Middle East,
carved up pieces of land by imperial
powers, by Britain, by France post World
War I, post World War II,
and figuring out how to live together,
and not denying the claims of the Jewish
people to Israel and
the need for Jewish survival, the last
surviving Jews in the entire Middle
Eastern region as they were expelled
from everywhere else, from Eastern
Europe and from the Arab world,
while still while still acknowledging
the self-determination of Palestinian
Arabs to have their own state, which
they never really wanted to create to
begin with.
All they wanted was to make sure a
Jewish state did not exist. It's
Palestinianism and rejectionism baked
into the cake.
That is the entire conversation that's
been had, and he makes it seem as if
we're talking about this for the first
time.
Uh look here's here's the thing about
it, right? We need to actually have a
serious conversation. I don't want to
think about history. I don't want to
think about the past. All you do is
steep yourself in historical grievance
and resentment and try to delegitimize
the state of Israel
over and over again. That's obsession
with history.
While it's claiming you want to focus on
the future
and focus on a world in which you have
equal rights
for Jewish Israelis and Arabs. Oh, do
the enemies of Israel believe in equal
rights for Jews and Arabs?
That's the problem.
Look at what Israel created. What's the
state that Israel created?
A state with equal rights for its
citizens, Jews, Arabs, Druze,
Christians.
And what about the nations and entities
surrounding Israel? What what kind of
societies did they create?
Societies that became Judenrein,
ethnically cleansed of Jews, of Coptic
Christians, of Yazidis.
Are we having this conversation in a
vacuum
inside of a conversation inside of a
world that you don't acknowledge exists
outside of it?
Pretending as if we're like approaching
the subject for the first time. We need
to actually have a conversation that
focus on the future. I'm just so sick of
these talking points and slogans.
They're meaningless. They're rendered
meaningless and obsolete when they're
not rooted in any historical reality.
We haven't had a real conversation about
self-determination for the Palestinians
any opportunity. The amount of times
they've been offered a state and
rejected it because it was on the
condition that it lives next to a Jewish
state is the story
time and time again.
They wanted a state that could have had
one many many times since Israel's
founding, nobody was always rejected
because
what animates this region is not the
desire for Palestinian liberation or
statehood. It's the desire for the
destruction of Jewish statehood, for the
elimination of Jewish sovereignty.
It's so obvious. And then he tries to
have this conversation. Everybody tries
to
like approach this
as if
uh I don't know, there's been no
historical context, as if it's never
been tried before. As if every single
decade we erase the
collect the the memory of history. We
all have amnesia and start again. Well,
what if we tried this? What if we pulled
out
uh Israeli communities and erased Jewish
communities from
territory and ceded it to the
Palestinian Arabs? What what what what
if we tried that?
Did we not try that in Gaza in 2005?
I mean,
as bad as that was, it was a perfect
experiment in what can happen if you
remove all the Jews.
And 20 years later,
[snorts]
what are you left with?
A terroristic society full of full of
terrorist tunnels
committed to the destruction of the
state of Israel. And the same thing
would happen in the West Bank. And he
acts as if You know, that's why when I'm
having this conversation This
conversation has been the obsession.
This need to strip Israel of its
sovereignty, of its security, to
delegitimize it.
To make it less safe. To demand it gives
back more and more territory when the
entire Middle East is Arabized and
Muslimized and you have one tiny sliver
Jewish state. But the obsession of the
Western world, of the UN has been
Israel.
The obsession has been
this desire
and this illusion of a two-state
solution, of a peace process
by which only Israel has to make
concessions.
On the other side,
we ignore the ideology, we ignore the
culture, we ignore the stated aims and
goals
so we can have this illusion.
That's been the conversation.
So it's ridiculously frustrating when
you hear
I mean, it's not even that. It's like
It's just disingenuous. It's the same
recycled talking points. There's nothing
slick about this to me.
Nothing slick about it at all. I don't
even see it as like a clever maneuver on
his part. So So let me ask you a
question. So So What What does it mean
to you?
Like he's just trying to
dominate [snorts] the conversation and
steer it. But man, this conversation has
been had a thousand times.
And the reason a Palestinian state
doesn't exist side by side with Israel
is not Israel's rejection of it, but the
Palestinians' rejection of it.
The desire to destroy Israel is greater
than the desire to create Palestine. And
the day that that changes is the day
something changes, but
there's no peace process
with that mindset.
There's no peace process. It doesn't
exist
on the false presumption that the
Palestinians and the Israelis are moral
equals, that they have the same values
and the same desires.
No.
They don't.
Look at the societies that have been
created in Israel and look at the
societies that have been created by its
neighbors in Gaza.
You had 20 years to try it again,
to do a reset.
There is nothing that prevented
Palestinian society in Gaza
from creating a prosperous, free
society. Nothing.
It's always Israel and the Zionists.
It's always their fault. No, nothing.
Everyone's like, well, Bibi Netanyahu
allowed Qatari funds to go into fund
Hamas. Okay.
Granted.
And if he didn't do that, what would you
say? You would have said
Bibi prevents funds from going in and
that's why Gaza was suffering cuz he
didn't allow Qatari funds to go in. So
it's a lose lose.
It's a lose lose argument.
If Bibi prevented those funds, you would
have blamed him and Israel for the lack
of prosperity in Gaza because how dare
Bibi prevent funds. If he allows funds,
then suddenly he's at fault for all of
Hamas's actions. But what about Hamas
itself? Hamas. Everyone says, why do you
pronounce the kha? Because I speak
Hebrew, so it's Hamas.
What about their agency?
All those funds go in. They didn't have
to do
use it for terrorist activities and
firing rockets continually to Israel
well before October 7th. They didn't
have to build a network of tunnels to
conduct terrorism,
kidnapping.
They didn't have to do that. It could
have They could have kept the
greenhouses up instead of burning them
down. They didn't have to murder their
political opponents. They could have
built schools and infrastructure in
which they taught pro-Western values.
They didn't do that.
And that has nothing to do with Israel.
That has to do with their ideology,
the commitment to rejecting Israel and
fighting the Yahud as stated in their
charter.
Nothing Bibi did or nothing any Israeli
politician or policy did, forced their
hand into that ideology. The ideology
precedes Israel's actions. In fact, it
warrants Israel's actions. It's the
cause,
not the effect. Don't get it backwards.
It's not Israel's actions or occupation
or military security apparatus that
creates this Jihadism. It's the Jihadism
that requires Israel's security
apparatus,
monitoring of goods and Everyone's like,
they monitor everything that goes into
Gaza, the the air, the water, the sea.
They talk about this. Why? Why do they
do that?
Cuz if Israel doesn't monitor it,
what happens? They they find that they
smuggle weapons that are used to attack
Israel. So don't start the story in the
middle.
[snorts]
Are you mad at the TSA or are you mad at
9/11?
I'm not saying the TSA might not even be
the best policy. We all have critiques
of of, you know,
if this is actually effective, does this
work, does it create frustration,
resentment amongst people who have to go
through checkpoints at the airport.
Sure. But why do we have them? Don't
forget why.
What's the impetus that causes such a
situation to exist?
You can't be more mad at the TSA than
9/11.
This is That's the framework. That's the
That's the framing and the lens by which
you have to view Israel and the
situation it finds itself in. Are
checkpoints annoying and terrible? Yes.
It's annoying. It's It's not ideal.
Why do we have them?
It's not the checkpoints that cause the
terrorism. It's the terrorism that
causes the checkpoints, numbnuts.
But there's Abdul El-Sayed acting as if
or pretending cuz he knows,
pretending as if we've never had this
conversation.
Never talked about it. We've never had
this conversation. That's That has been
the conversation. It's the only
conversation we're having and it's not
getting us anywhere.
So I call
I do.
So remember, never care for what they do
and never care for what they know.
There's kind of an Obama attempt that
he's trying to do. Let me Let me ask you
a question. Let me ask you a question.
Why do you ask me that? [snorts] Why do
you ask me that? I mean, this guy is
just the master of evasive maneuvers,
but he doesn't even do it so cleanly.
It's very obvious to see it.
Um,
he gets frustrated when they bring up
Hassan and all these things. Hey,
guess what, buddy? You brought him up.
You brought him into your campaign. So
you can't have the associations
and benefit from such associations and
then when there's actually a liability
to such associations, you discount it.
You can't have both. You got to accept
the perks of a big Hassan
anti-Western, pro-communist audience
that you support and align with.
And then when you're called uh
out for it and forced to confront what
he believes, all of a sudden you say,
okay, why are you bringing this up? This
is a distraction. This is a distraction
and this is why we can't get ahead in
our politics, in our culture, in our
conversation because you keep bringing
this up as a distraction.
So um
can't get away with it.
Sorry.
>> [music]
[music]